New York (NY) Times, "The American Convention," September 30, 1859

         THE AMERICAN CONVENTION.

The Principle which Governed the Selection of a Ticket --The Canal Question --The Ticket not an American Ticket.

To the Editor of the New York Times:

   The Delegates to the late American Convention have expected from the mere party Press, and especially from that portion of it solely in the interest of the Republican Party, every possible misinterpretation and abuse of the action of the Utica Convention. The TIMES, without any loud pretension, has ever been respectful and fair toward all, and it is because I think so, and because I think such a past course must have procured its legitimate result of giving the paper a better class of readers, that I [illegible] to say a few words in answer to the article in the TIMES of Sept. 23. The article I allude to is headed "The American Convention." The basis of your argument is indicated in this sentence: "They have taken half of each" (Democratic and Republican ticket) "without any apparent motive or object whatever." You assume this position, I assure you, in error. If I can show this, it will fully answer all the deductions drawn from a misconception of our object and motive, in the preliminary and subsequent portions of the article in the TIMES referred to.

   Let me, then, give a concise statement of the facts of the case, as seen from the Convention's point of view, as well as state its conclusion of action therefrom. 

   Firstly --Irrespective of and uninfluenced by other and dissimilar political differences, the American Party of the State of New-York is at this moment over 100,000 strong.

   Secondly --It is from 60,000 to 90,000 strong as a national party, standing upon that plank of the Troy platform which reads thus: "And are willing that the natural laws which govern emigration shall decide that great question (territorial government) without the least interference from the federal authorities."

   Thirdly --The American Party, as a whole political organization, has not yet nor cannot recover its former status quo ante bellum until the international communication, now going on, shall present a perfect rally in 1860. We are organized to meet our natural allies. The disgraceful negro stampede, North and South, in 1856, has covered hundreds with regret, Americans see this historical result of 1856 in the revival of the Slave-trade doctrine, under BUCHANAN on the one hand, as well as that of the "irrepressible conflict" doctrine, under Republicanism, on the other hand. These doctrines have revived vitality of conservative Whigs, North and South --they have sent forth that far-seeing politician, Mr. DOUGLAS, on a national mission, with the Troy platform for a brief.

   Fourthly --Taking the above in view, and from a thorough canvas Northwest, South and East, we found the large body of lay statesmen, the thinking men, the men who owned things of material value --the men whose names began to loom up through Press and speech --were willing and ready to correct the mistake of 1856, and in all essential nationality to combine with us in our national views, as set forth in the last Pennsylvania canvas. Thus much in a national point of view.

   Fifthly --In our State we found an enormous Central Corporation, moving its slow coils around the Erie Canal, and opening its voracious jaws at the States capitol, bidding defiance to Press and Legislature, having already in its iron grasp the Regency of both of the political parties of this State. We found at Utica, among our regularly authenticated delegates, nominal Americans holding office under Republican City Comptrollers, assessment bureaus, State offices, &c., &o., these, with outsiders many --the great Albany Lobby Contractor, who in Winter months "sees" the men and "sees" the "old man" --Central Railroad employees, with "free passes" for "friends," with counsel and the counsel's friends, canal contractors and canal superintendents. We found also that the New-York City caucus of ex-City Hall functionaries had arranged --and supposed they would be strong enough --to have our convention nominate a straight ticket, make no nomination at all, or else break up the Convention by "protests." (See Tribune of Sept. 23.)

   With these facts before us, the large and reliable portion of the Convention had their private meetings. They saw that practically it would be a waste of effort, and give the State to the Republicans by nominating a separate American ticket. They saw that if, this Fall, the State of New-York sustained the balance-of-power ticket, that then, that savage cry --bigoted as that of the Inquisition in the days of the Moors --that cray of an "IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT" would forever cease.

   They saw that the Canals could be saved from destruction or sale by a judicious selection of political acids and alkalis ready at hand --neither palatable alone, but capable of being made both by a healthy and refreshing effervescent when properly mixed. The Republicans, a few years past, by the aid of the vote of Mr. SICKLES, made the Contracting Board, in order to keep the Americans from wicked temptations --we thought that, should this Board by our help, be now given to the Democrats, it would be effective in preventing our Republican friends from doing strange things; and as to the State Prison Board, the Democrats should have that.

   As a balance-of-power party, organized expressly to "select" rather than nominate, we saw now an auspicious opportunity to return to our former mode of action.

   Thus thinking, the only result of our action could be precisely just what it was.

   Disturbing elements in the Convention, in every case originating from the one interested source alluded to above, were marked, but not serious in their result. The Convention proper was a unit. If you gentlemen of the Press have been sincere in your editorially expressed desire, to elect the best men among those offered for suffrage by the political parties --if it is desirable to break up a Regency wherever found --to restrain and constrain soulless corporations --elect the best Canal ticket possible under existing circumstances, and bring about a state of public suspense, during which the best national statesman shall be placed in the front rank in 1800; if these results are desirable, the success of the electic ticket nominated by the Utica Convention will bring them about.

   The mistake is in calling ours an American ticket. See: We first of all give notice at Geneva that we must wait until all other parties have made their nominations. Then, at Utica, we select from these party nominees --without fear, favor or hope of reward, and solely and only such a ticket as shall best conserve the canal and other interests of this State; our reward for which we expect to obtain in the future. We shall surely find it, too, by compelling the "machines" hereafter to nominate a first class of candidates; and if now successful, we shall, moreover, compel the nomination of a national statesman --by whatever other political name he may be called --in 1860. Mr. Editor, we are alone responsible for the judgement shown in a selection, and for results if our ticket is elected, and elected it will be if the past views of the Journal of Commerce, the Tribune, the TIMES and the signs of the times are any augury of success.

            A DELEGATE AT UTICA.