Burlington (IA) Hawk-Eye, "From the American Whig Review," November 28, 1850

                 From the American Whig Review. 

    Our political friends will find in the present number an article illustrating the further policy of Great Britain, as developed by the conduct of her agents in Central America. 

    In another article we have given a general view of her commercial policy, explaining, in very simple language, and by popular illustrations, some things supposed to be peculiarly dark and difficult. 

    Our developments of British arrogance and assumption have excited a violent jealousy in the minds of some persons, as we discover by the vituperations of a certain, or rather uncertain, portion of the public press. We can only say that we shall suffer no opportunity to escape us of laying correct information before our readers, not only the public proceedings, but of public insults and contempts politicly cast upon us by the present British Ministry, miscalled "Whig," and their agents, employed or volunteer. 

    The present Ministry of Great Britain is playing a very interesting part in the great game of "Who is the strongest?" with all the power of the earth. Political writers seem to be in doubt which of the five powers, Russia, Prussia, Austria, France, or England, ought to be considered strongest; that is to say, the most dangerous to the rest of the world. On our side of the Atlantic, no question, Great Britain is the most important and conspicuous power, not only because of her immediate influence here, and her proximity, but because she is hitherto our superior in the trade of nations, and in the home production which maintains the trade.

   She has succeeded, through her literary and political influence on this continent, in breaking down our system of independent industry, to the incalculable advantage of her own home industry, both agricultural and mechanical. Her importance to the Southern States, as a buyer of cotton, has given her an almost absolute control over those States, who look to her, in the event of a dissolution of the Union, as their sole friend among the nations.––That she has encouraged in every way the contemplated movement in the South, we have good evidence. In place, however, of documentary proofs, we will suggest to our readers a few political considerations, such as may be supposed to actuate a far-sighted British Minister in the adoption of an imperial policy for a long course of years. 

    1. The immediate effect of dissolution would be a temporary suspension of inter-course between the Northern and Southern States. Great Britain would make her own terms with the latter, take their cottons, and send her manufactures to Charleston in exchange––a proceeding liable to some slight interruptions, however, by the navies of the North, whose amiable feelings towards Great Britain would not be increased by her officious interference in a "brothers' quarrel."

    2. War gradually growing up between the North and South, there would follow, during the first year of our misery, slave insurrections and stampedes, interrupting the production of cotton. In the course of a year or two the South would be very generally in a state of confusion, and the negro business would become quite unmanageable. The experience of Great Britain is large in that species of calamity. It would be a state of things very favorable to the plans of universal abolition, which make an essential member of the great free trade system. 

   3. The Northern States, driven to despair by the desertion of the South, and the interruption of their own industry, would be exasperated more and more.––Every negro who set foot beyond Mason and Dixon's line, would then, of necessity, be protected by the entire military power of the North. 

   4. Cotton would, of focuses, rise to an exorbitant price, but Great Britain would only temporarily be injured by that rise, as she would have the monopoly of the manufacture and of the trade, and would demand a compensating price for cotton cloths. 

   5. The permanent rise in the value of cotton would immediately make possible the cultivation of cotton by free labor, or labor supposed to be free, upon soil comprehended under the British Empire, the soil of Mosqueto, and of the parts of the British Empire, and of India and the West Indies. The cultivation of cotton by free labor on British soil, is at present kept down by American competition. In the event of a dissolution, and consequent destruction of the slave system in the Southern States, Great Britain would be able to use cotton cultivated by her own serfs, parias, free negroes, coolies, and paupers. 

   Instead of giving up the Canadas, England is expending some four millions sterling annually upon them, and proposes to spend more in internal improvements. In the event of a dissolution, and consequent destruction of the slave power, and a temporary suspension of Northern industry, the Canadas must rise into importance. 

   Instead of withdrawing from this Continent, and directing her attention upon her own internal affairs, Great Britain is engaged in seizing, by force and fraud, every foot of territory not under our own immediate protection in the region south of Mexico and bordering upon that feeble state. In the event of dissolution, and the expected destruction of the slave system, and of the American cotton manufacture, she will need all the available territory in the world for the cultivation of cotton upon a base of her own, which cannot be put into practice until the slave power is destroyed. 

    Nothing is too large of the conception of the present managers of the British Empire, and nothing is too remote from truth to be used by their defenders as a mask for their policy. The British Empire never grew more rapidly, or by more unscrupulous acquisitions, than during the present age. 

   Our Southern friends will not suppose, from the direct and naked style of the above representation, that we have faith in the ability of Great Britain to carry out her plan of grand monopoly; all that we ask of them is to take an accurate survey of British proceedings, and then determine for themselves whether all that she has done, and is doing through her present Ministry, does not place her in the attitude not only of a competitor in the world's markets, but of an active and dangerous rival, using every means in her power to break up and change the present system of this continent. If the Union stands, and the American system is carried out, with the necessary addition of vindicating the honor and influence of the Republic on this continent, we stand the equal of Great Britain; if we suffer he political managers not only to sow dissension among ourselves, but, in mere contempt of us, and in anticipation of our ruin, to seize, without remorse, the territory of our republican neighbors, we remain her justly despised inferior and servant.